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A CONVERSATION 

BETWEEN A MOTHER 

CAT AND HER KITTEN 

REGARDING THE 

NATURE OF LEFTISM 

AND THE STATE 

BY MONSIEUR 
DUPONTE 



introduction 



This is a sample of Monsieur Duponts' writings, written by pil 
pil. MD is a rather strange phenomenon. Hailing from the UK, 
they have published a few very interesting pieces to contribute 
to an anarchist and seemingly ultra-left communist tendency. 
Their most well known, although difficult to get a hold of, works 
is Nihilist Communism, a critique of Optimism. Soon, we will be 
distributing more of their work. Perhaps Nihilist Communism will 
appear in such a selection. 

We have chosen to print this unauthorized edition because we 
believe that MD has quite a bit of useful ideas and critiques to 
sharpen the anarchist and insurrectional lens. Particularly today, 
when the recent surge of radicalism is being swallowed by a Left- 
ist leviathan and so-called anarchists are praising Chavez. Also, 
kittens are cute . 

Kisses, 

-Liam Sionnach (S.Appalachia'06) 






Dearest kitten, again and again the left wing seeks to curtail the 
Events and bind them, reduce them, into a mere energy source for its 
profane politics. Such is the expedient beauty of the crowd and how 
it appears in great men's resentful thoughts. But our knowledge runs 
against their's, we know that communism is Events or it is nothing. We 
know that the crowd is always sufficiently organised within itself, as it 
opens itself, and becoming the vessel of the Events' unfolding. Commu- 
nism begins in the crowd and flourishes in the crowd's spontaneous 
becoming towards objective events. It realises itself in the supersession 
of the political sphere just as communism is properly the superssession 
of all mystified and alienated class-based institutions... now, dearest 
kitten, tell me, what is our purpose? 

Oh mama, it must be to confront the left wing for it is the left ideol- 
ogy and its promotion of political solutions that is most intimately 
bound with capital's mystification of ideas. 

Dearest kitten, then what is the first of our critical tools? 

Oh mama, it is that we shall identify the counter-revolutionary as the 
him that quotes lenin approvingly, and in full knowledge of Kro- 
nstadt. And in contradistinction to the left wing we identify ourselves 
as being of the crowd, and in our resolution never to think from the 
position of the state's reasoning. 

Dearest kitten, well done. The lenin quoter observes the crowd down 
the barrel of another's machine gun. His watchword is 'shoot them 
down like partridges.' And so to our watchword... speak it. 

Oh mama, it is: no common cause. 



Dearest kitten, no common cause, well 
done, and now you shall have some pie. 



Dearest kitten, mama is so very pleased to infer from this question a 
burgeoning sophistication in your ideas; for, as your critique now 
twists upon itself, you begin to move from simple positionism and 
towards the central matter of the pro- revolutionary perspective. 

Oh mama, the day passes heavily and I have lost my mittens. I did 
hope to deflect you from chastisement with this didactic matter 
which I well know is so dear to your heart but now I feel I have 
betrayed the filial bond in not asking sooner, in not asking appropri- 

Dearest kitten, all the better. Your false question will receive a smart 
reply and the shame that you now feel shall act as the mnemonic 
contrivance by which I impose a thorough theoretical consistency 
upon your practice. 

Oh mama, then tell me. I do hope I am equal to the question before 
us, though my eyes now sting with tears of chagrin. 

Dearest kitten, I shall begin my account without delay From this 
moment you will remember that the left wing of the state is that 
mauthentic, jagged little fragment which covers the embarrassment of 
its integration with an antagonistic political ideology. The left wing is 
the state's introjected ill feelings for itself More precisely, it is that 
fragment of the bourgeoisie, typically situated in the academy, which 
attempts to think and thereby undo the Event of revolution but from a 
seemingly revolutionary perspective. 

Oh mama, isn't it though... isn't it that the proper allegiance of the 
left wing of the state is always revealed (and often too late) to be 
running parallel to the composition of its class character and there- 
fore in contradistinction to its espoused political values? 

Dearest kitten you approach the matter as if walking upon rice paper. 
The left wing's political function is to return the exploiter class to 
political power but for ostensibly divergent reasons (it proposes 
reason, education, justice over 'outdated' dogmatics, traditions and 
the arbitrary); in the economic sphere of course, the bourgeois class 
does not contest its own right to dictate, it merely argues for the neces- 
sity of objective reform. 

Oh mama, then that must be why the Bolsheviks short circuited 'all 
power to the workers' councils' and insisted on centralised ideologi- 
cal direction... 



Dearest kitten, you are right. Of course you are right, it is because the 
leninist ideology guarantees to social professionals the escalation of 
their own managerialism into a totalised way of life, that this frac- 
tion is undone precisely by the simple reflection of itself in its ideas. 
The simple self-affirmation of the leadership role in practice realises 
itself by continually reproducing a wishful consciousness for the 'ef- 
ficiency' ofjacobinist institutions.... 

Oh mama, then at no point might the marxist-leninist turn be 
considered by pro-revolutionaries to be anything other than an 
implementation of a revolutionary transformation which leaves ev- 
erything as it is. Might we not characterise the Bolshevik ideology as 
a partially desublimated egalitarianism, but also an ideology which 
nevertheless cannot contain its all-consuming class hatred against 
the workers beyond the representations of them? 

Dearest kitten, from the start the Bolshevik counterrevolution sought 
to channel social upheaval into its reconfiguration of political econ- 
omy and thereby convert revolt into labour value. As its purpose was 
to retain class distinctions it always made its interventions count 
against the direct seizure, and thus the undoing of, production's 
command over lived life. The Bolsheviks' strategic goal was always to 
integrate the general economy with the specifics of its own political 
power. 

Oh mama, I do think the counterrevolution is too clever for us. After 
all we can only go on what people say before they are in power. And 
if the left wing is talking of radical change, in the same way in which 
we are talking of radical change, then how can we ever separate our- 
selves from them? How can we be sure that we are not aiding them 
in their pursuit of consolidation? 

Dearest kitten, do not become prematurely despondent. We should 
not resign ourselves to coming face to face with this devil only at the 
moment of another Supreme Soviet's triumph of centralisation, on 
the contrary. The signs of the left wing's complicity, of the determina- 
tion of its ideas by its class position, occur almost at every point in its 
interventions, which it calls 'polities'. It is simply a matter of knowing 
how to look. 

Oh mama, then please give me the clue for even now there is an 
encroachment from the shadows. 



Dearest kitten, then study hard these words, they are a common 
enough formulation; tell me what you find in them: 

'But the thematics of the crowd are only a mani- 
festation of what Lenin called spontaneism: an up- 
rising WILL ACHIEVE NOTHING WITHOUT ORGANISATION. 

zlzek has recently reminded us of this", recalling the 
Events of May 1968, Derrida will also voice a similar 
concern: he disliked 'vibrating in unison', he says, 
and even then, the events are not yet a politics. com- 
munism remains etiolated unless it joins the call to 
go outside with a determinate political programme.' 
(from http://spurious.typepad.com/ (10/03/05)) 

Oh mama, this is less the philosophy of the firing squad (in which, 
after all, one might find some merit) than it is a philosophy for the 
firing squad. This one makes arguments for the Committee of Public 
Safety like it was 1792. 

Dearest kitten, one more step if you wish to become a dialectician. 

Oh mamma, then it is to the details that we shall turn; the author ad- 
vances with his boodaces tied together, he permits hostile comment 
on the crowd but is unable to quote the crowd's critique of its would- 
be leaders. With this omission he demonstrates his class antagonism 
towards the crowd itself. The call for organisation belongs to the 
organising classes, the middle managers, the social professionals, the 
state's well-educated functionaries. 'Organisation' is always a call for 
the suppression of the crowd's key character - so it is that the pur- 
pose of the left wing is the reintegration of the crowd as a harnessed 
use value, the tortoise is turned over. And the dream of the left wing 
is that the crowd under the stewardship of the party becomes a local 
expression of the state's will. 

Dearest kitten, now catch your breath. It is true that the pursuit of 
organisation by the left wing indicates a class hostility towards the 
crowd, and a fear of its crowdness. It is the eruptiveness of the masses 
that it wishes to undo. 

Oh mama, then what is this dead bird, 'a determinate political pro- 
gramme'?